Ban vs Not Ban

Having election after adequate reform is equivalent to have similar effect of banning AL even though you don’t ban AL. Banning a party never works in democratic scenarios. Besides no one has the right to deny some 30-40% voting bloc have their say. Why not ban those killers and Hasina for life rather than denying voting rights of a certain bloc. If needed do a referendum on deciding whether majority of the population want AL to be banned from participating in the election.

Outright Ban on AL

Those calling for an outright ban on the Awami League should prioritize meaningful reforms instead. Only systemic changes can prevent AL—or any future legacy party like BNP, Jamaat, NCP, or JP—from becoming another authoritarian regime. Banning a party without reform is undemocratic and would harm Bangladesh’s global standing, especially when the UN has given grounds to prosecute Hasina.

Are we so naive as to invite chaos instead of shaping a positive post-July Revolution narrative? NCP, too, seems to be following the same self-serving path, showing signs that it may reject any electoral outcome not in its favor. This “my way or the highway” approach risks repeating the very cycle of authoritarianism we seek to break.

Palestine & Ukraine

I will always stand with a nation that defends itself against an illegitimate occupation and refuses to be bullied into accepting an unjustifiable farce of a deal in the name of peace.

Power & Morality

Power alone is not a reliable tool for social influence - morality holds far greater impact.

Volker Turk & UN Involvement

Volker Turk’s recent statement regarding the UN’s involvement in the July Movement suggested that the UN played a crucial role in prompting General Waqar to stand down, which significantly contributed to the success of the student-led movement. This has been propagated by BAL activists including Arafat. There’s also a growing narrative, particularly from pro-BNP circles, that this movement wouldn’t have been possible without UN intervention—largely influenced by the US, despite their denials. It is said that Waqar was pressured to stay out, and without a green light from the Army (following Waqar’s statement leak on August 3rd or 4th), the march toward Ganabhaban might not have happened. Interestingly, Asif initially called for the march on the 6th, but it was moved to the 5th after receiving approval. While this perspective doesn’t diminish the significance of the student movement, it does raise an important question: To what extent did UN intervention impact the success of the July Movement? Is there any parallels with Mike Benz’s USAID narrative, which suggests external influence in regime change?

Banning AL

I remain fundamentally opposed to banning AL from the election. However, I am concerned that the proposal for a "refined AL" was presented to political parties, including NCP, on March 11. The decision on a "reformed AL" should not be made unilaterally; it must be determined through consensus, with all relevant parties, including IG, in agreement. Furthermore, IG and other key stakeholders should have the final say on who constitutes the "refined AL." The involvement of the army in this matter is inappropriate, and any proposal originating from the cantonment is not acceptable.

BNP and Tarique Zia

Looks like Tareq Zia will not be back for now. Does it even look good that he will just show up during the election? Or did he sense that things might be a bit chaotic in next few days and may come once dust settles. His hesitation and being over cautious is kinda odd if he intends to lead his party. I think coming back earlier would be beneficial for him since he is out of the country for a long time. Rebranding needs connections with voters too.